Kale plants produce a rosette of elongated leaves with wavy to frilled margins.The leaves are typically blue-green in colour but can also be light green, red, or purple, depending on the variety. .

Mahesh Kale

Mahesh gave his first solo performance at the age of 3 at Gondavale, with the rendition of a devotional song he mesmerized an audience of over 5000.Under his tutelage in a gurukul-like setting, Mahesh was extensively trained in classical and semi-classical forms like thumri, dadra, tappa, bhajans, and marathi natya sangeet for over 8 years.Mahesh is married to Purva Gujar-Kale (m. 2005) and they run non-profit Indian Classical Music and Arts Foundation together in San Francisco Bay Area.Mahesh has performed in hundreds of concerts of Indian Classical and Semi-Classical Vocal in India, US, UAE, UK, Australia, Europe, and Southeast Asia.Since early 2010, Mahesh has been playing the central character in Katyar Kaljat Ghusli, the evergreen Sangeet Natak (musical).Mahesh debuted at the Sawai Gandharva Music Festival (Pune) in 2011 which received generous appreciation.He has performed in Indian Classical as well as fusion concerts with world-famous percussionists like Ustad Zakir Hussain, Sivamani and Trilok Gurtu, and instrumentalists like Pedro Eustache and Frank Martin and in Jazz concerts with well known composer and saxophonist George Brooks and groove-master bassist Kai Eckhardt.He has also voiced the songs sung by the character of "Sadashiv" (portrayed by Subodh Bhave) in the movie Katyar Kaljat Ghusali which released on 12 November 2015 and received National Film Award for Best Playback Singer (Male) 2015.Akhil Bharatiya Marathi Natya Parishad Award for his role in musical Katyar Kaljat Ghusali (2015)."ICC Inspire Award" of India Community Center San Francisco Bay Area (2019). .

Dalit Scientists Face Barriers in India's Top Science Institutes

In the summer of 1976, 26-year-old Raosaheb Kale entered the School of Life Sciences at New Delhi’s Jawaharlal Nehru University, alongside about 34 other incoming doctoral students.When the school posted the list of assignments, Kale scanned the piece of paper: Every single student, he said, had been matched with a supervisor, except for him.Historically, Dalits were considered so low that they fell outside the caste system, a rigid social hierarchy described in ancient Hindu legal texts.Brahmins (priests) occupied the top of the pyramid, followed by the Kshatriyas (warriors), Vaishyas (traders), and then Shudras (artisans) at the bottom.Today, caste, which is defined by family of origin, remains an ever-present reality in Indian culture, and functions somewhat similarly to race in America.In his village, Dalits were assigned various jobs such as sweeping streets, supplying firewood, delivering messages, and picking cotton.In return, they received grains, leftover food, or, on very rare occasions, one rupee for a day’s labor – well below a livable wage.He fought his way through the upper-caste dominated School of Life Sciences, became its dean, and received a prestigious award for his contributions to radiation and cancer biology research.In 2011, around 17 percent of India’s population, which now totals over 1.3 billion people, were Dalits, who are officially referred to as “Scheduled Castes” in government records.Caste discrimination is illegal, and India’s reservation policy – a form of affirmative action that has been around since 1950 – currently mandates that 15 percent of students and staff at government research and education institutes, with some exceptions, come from the Dalit community.But records obtained by Undark under India’s Right to Information Act from some of the country’s flagship scientific institutions, along with data from government reports and student groups, reveal a different picture.Similar disparities exist in other professions in India; Dalits face continued discrimination and violence from upper-caste people across the country.But researchers who study casteism in science say that even as Dalits have mobilised for their rights, they have encountered distinctive barriers in scientific institutions, which remain especially resistant to reservation policies and other reforms.At a time of growing attention to inequities in global science, those barriers leave Dalits systematically underrepresented in the major research and academic institutes of the world’s largest democracy.“When you’d sit in the interview board, you will find out yourself,” said Umesh Kulshrestha, the dean of Jawaharlal Nehru University’s School of Environmental Sciences, who is upper caste.But interviews with Dalit scientists and scholars show a different picture – one in which systematic discrimination, institutional barriers, and frequent humiliation make it difficult to thrive at every step of their training.It also introduced reservation policies in public sector jobs, politics, and education for marginalised communities, including Dalits and Indigenous groups known as Adivasis.Kale walked to a nearby village every other Sunday to meet the headmaster of a bigger school there and ask when he’d get a new instructor.When Kale arrived, the teacher’s wife was going to offer him some food in a “tasla” – an iron pan that laborers use to carry mud – instead of a plate.In the late 1940s, a couple of years before Milind College opened, the Indian government began planning to set up a network of exclusive technical institutes to train engineers and scientists who would help build a new India.The first branch of the Indian Institute of Technology, or IIT, opened in 1951 near Kharagpur, and the government soon termed the schools “institutions of national importance.” At the time, a government committee described advanced scientific research as the work of a “few men of high caliber,” the Harvard University anthropologist Ajantha Subramanian writes in The Caste of Merit, a study of caste and engineering education in India.In the early 1970s, when Kale was applying to graduate schools, he didn’t seriously consider IITs, which he said looked like “closed spaces.” Instead, he enrolled in Marathwada University, in Maharashtra state.But at same time, he said, “I had an internal desire to get as much education as I can and the highest honorable degree.” So instead of heading straight into the workforce, he began considering doctoral programs.After his promotion was delayed due to lower scores on his annual performance reports, Sonkawade joined Shivaji University, where he teaches physics today.A few weeks after the JNU faculty failed to match Kale with a PhD supervisor, they offered him a mentor in a different field from the one he hoped to study.While administrators gave most of his upper-caste peers their own laboratory space, Kale said, he worked out of a small corner office with broken furniture.Over the years, Kale held several positions, including dean of students and head of the equal opportunity office at JNU.In the late 1990s, when Kale became a professor at JNU, he sat on a committee to select junior researchers at the Nuclear Science Center, about a mile away from the university in New Delhi.In 1990, the Indian government announced that it would implement a commission’s recommendation to expand reservation policies to include Other Backward Classes, an official designation for various other marginalised castes.“Merit in an elitist society is not something inherent,” the commission had argued in its report, “but is the consequence of environmental privileges enjoyed by the members of higher castes.”.“We became more active with our demands,” said Sonkawade, thumping his palm on the table in his office at Shivaji University, in the west Indian city of Kolhapur, where he now teaches physics.After forming the association, Sonkawade began to push IUAC to set up a special committee to tackle Dalit and Adivasi issues to ensure implementation of the reservation policy – something required of government-funded institutes, but which the school had not established.But Satya Pal Lochab, who oversaw the lab in which Sonkawade worked and also participated in the evaluations, said that his “anti-establishment activities” affected his scores.“I paid the price for speaking up.” An IUAC employee who used to field discrimination complaints confirmed seeing many cases where Dalits received performance review scores just a few decimal points below the requirement for promotion.Students pay higher tuition rates for science courses than in other areas, because they are required to take additional classes to do experiments.And to keep up with their coursework, science students often pay for instruction in pricey private academies called coaching institutes, something many Dalit families cannot afford.During his time at IISc, Thomas found that his lower-caste and Dalit sources identified reflections of upper caste culture throughout the institute.In one instance at IISc, after the singer finished her song, the Brahmin audience continued singing, showing their familiarity with the art form, writes Thomas.That mindset, she added, tacitly aligns itself with caste hierarchy: “There is implicit devaluation of people that continuously erodes their sense of self.”.Undark spoke with eight early-career Dalit science researchers who declined to be identified, fearing retaliation from their institutions or harm to their careers.Most described receiving humiliating reminders about using reservation quotas from upper-caste students and teachers, which implied they weren’t there on their own merit.In 2007, for example, a government committee found widespread discrimination and harassment against Dalit and Adivasi students at the All India Institute of Medical Sciences in New Delhi.His loss sparked outrage on several campuses across India and led to the formation of more student organisations like Ambedkar Periyar Study Circle, which offer support to Dalit and other oppressed castes.Since the mid-1960s, for example, United States policies designed to incentivise the immigration of skilled STEM professionals have led hundreds of thousands of scientists and engineers – most of them upper-caste – to move from India to the US.In June 2020, California state regulators sued the technology company Cisco Systems, alleging that two upper-caste supervisors had harassed and discriminated against a Dalit employee.According to the complaint, one of the supervisors had disclosed the engineer’s caste to colleagues, telling them he had attended an IIT in India under the country’s reservation policy.In Silicon Valley, most of the Indians come from institutions “where caste discrimination is rampant,” Subramanian wrote in an email to Undark.In an interview, Mahadev said she badly wants to see more senior scientists from her community, and to have teachers who can relate to the life experiences of students like her.Her father, who was part of the first generation in his family to go to school, had received an engineering diploma – a specialised course shorter than an undergraduate degree – in order to get a job quickly.In April 2020, following growing criticism in Indian media about the low representation of marginalised communities at IITs, India’s Department of Higher Education formed a committee to suggest ways to implement the reservation policy.Reservation at the level of professors will be “detrimental to the overall academic ecosystem of the country,” said Arindam Ghosh, an upper-caste physicist at IISc.Raju Nivarti Gacche, a cancer biologist, said he got his current professor post in the biotechnology department at Savitribai Phule Pune University because it was reserved for Dalits.The argument that reservation undercuts excellence is a “casteist assumption intended to maintain the upper-caste stranglehold of these institutions,” said Subramanian.A lot of success, she said, seems to emerge from the kind of environment upper-caste families experience: one in which reading and extracurricular activities are encouraged, and where friends and relatives can offer career advice.In India too, for the current situation to change, she said, scientists would need to join forces with a broader intersectional Dalit movement.When he spoke with Undark early this year, Kale was reading Caste, the New York Times-bestselling book by Isabel Wilkerson, a Black American writer who draws parallels between the caste system in India, racial hierarchies in the US and policies in Nazi Germany, arguing that “caste is the infrastructure of our divisions.” While Kale discussed these issues back in January, the Indian media continued to report on ongoing atrocities against Dalits, including the rape of a Dalit girl by upper-caste men in September 2020 in northern India. .

Kale Name Meaning & Kale Family History at Ancestry.com®

Within census records, you can often find information like name of household members, ages, birthplaces, residences, and occupations. .

Dalit literature in Maharashtra owes much to Arun Kale: What his

In pour ongoing series on Dalit literature from Maharashtra, we examine the literary legacy of Arun Kale | #FWeekend.It was Dr BR Ambedkar who stressed on literary assertion as a means to struggle against the caste system.Thus began the ceaseless movement of literary assertion by Dalits, who went on to write powerful stories about their lives.Poems, stories, novels, biographies, autobiographies produced by Dalits established a new body of literature in which, for the first time, the downtrodden took centrestage.People who had been denied what humanity considers the ‘basics’, started to transform the lives of others like them, through the written word.The problem with a discourse on aesthetics and dialectics in India, is that it is perceived from the dominant location, specifically from the Brahminical lens.The lives of Dalits — especially Ambedkarites — in Maharashtra over the past six decades, have witnessed a huge paradigm shift.Hence, we need poet like Arun Kale, to guide us through the richness of the Dalit struggle to put a human being at the centre of the discourse over dialectics and aesthetics in India.Born in Nashik, Arun Kale has written three poetry collections — Rockgarden (1993), Sairanche Shahar (1997), Nantar Aalele Lok (2006).Having undergone his political tutelage during the time of the Dalit Panthers, Kale, however, mastered a different tone for his poems.We often do not find such a balance of two opposite situations; it takes courage to appreciate life amid the struggle which a poet like Kale lived through.To see the truth, we need people like Baburao Bagul — who, as a writer, was restlessly engaged with the everyday experiences of Dalits.Ideals such as ‘Buddhist India’, ‘State Socialism’, and ‘Shikaa, Sanghatit Hwaa, Sangharsh Kara’ have been sowed in this soil by Babasaheb.Today, without reading Dalit writers, it is impossible to know India because, as Baburao Bagul says, “In the society of castes, a man is always in a state of war.Inheriting the past in which their human-ness was ripped off, Kale, as a poet, succinctly elaborates the conspiracy in which such a horrendous act could take place in a casteist society, writing:. .

Dalit scientists face barriers in India's top science institutes

In the summer of 1976, 26-year-old Raosaheb Kale entered the School of Life Sciences at New Delhi's Jawaharlal Nehru University, alongside about 34 other incoming doctoral students.When the school posted the list of assignments, Kale scanned the piece of paper: Every single student, he said, had been matched with a supervisor, except for him.Historically, Dalits were considered so low that they fell outside the caste system, a rigid social hierarchy described in ancient Hindu legal texts.Brahmins (priests) occupied the top of the pyramid, followed by the Kshatriyas (warriors), Vaishyas (traders), and then Shudras (artisans) at the bottom.Today, caste, which is defined by family of origin, remains an ever-present reality in Indian culture, and functions somewhat similarly to race in America.Growing up in the drought-prone Beed district of western India, Kale shared a mud-walled, tin-roofed house with his parents and four younger siblings.In his village, Dalits were assigned various jobs such as sweeping streets, supplying firewood, delivering messages, and picking cotton.In return, they received grains, leftover food, or, on very rare occasions, one rupee for a day's labor — well below a livable wage.In Indian culture today, caste, which is defined by family of origin, functions similarly to race in America.He fought his way through the upper-caste dominated School of Life Sciences, became its dean, and received a prestigious award for his contributions to radiation and cancer biology research.In 2011, around 17 percent of India's population, which now totals over 1.3 billion people, were Dalits, who are officially referred to as "Scheduled Castes" in government records.Caste discrimination is illegal, and India's reservation policy — a form of affirmative action that has been around since 1950 — currently mandates that 15 percent of students and staff at government research and education institutes, with some exceptions, come from the Dalit community.But records obtained by Undark under India's Right to Information Act from some of the country's flagship scientific institutions, along with data from government reports and student groups, reveal a different picture.At the elite Indian Institutes of Technology in Delhi, Mumbai, Kanpur, Kharagpur, and Madras, the proportion of Dalit researchers admitted to doctoral programs ranged from 6 percent (at IIT Delhi) to 14 percent (at IIT Kharagpur) in 2019, the most recent year obtained by Undark.Similar disparities exist in other professions in India; Dalits face continued discrimination and violence from upper-caste people across the country.But researchers who study casteism in science say that even as Dalits have mobilized for their rights, they have encountered distinctive barriers in scientific institutions, which remain especially resistant to reservation policies and other reforms.At a time of growing attention to inequities in global science, those barriers leave Dalits systematically underrepresented in the major research and academic institutes of the world's largest democracy."When you'd sit in the interview board, you will find out yourself," said Umesh Kulshrestha, the dean of Jawaharlal Nehru University's School of Environmental Sciences, who is upper caste.But interviews with Dalit scientists and scholars show a different picture — one in which systematic discrimination, institutional barriers, and frequent humiliation make it difficult to thrive at every step of their training.It also introduced reservation policies in public sector jobs, politics, and education for marginalized communities, including Dalits and Indigenous groups known as Adivasis.When Kale arrived, the teacher's wife was going to offer him some food in a "tasla" — an iron pan that laborers use to carry mud — instead of a plate.In the late 1940s, a couple of years before Milind College opened, the Indian government began planning to set up a network of exclusive technical institutes to train engineers and scientists who would help build a new India.A few weeks after the JNU faculty failed to match Kale with a Ph.D. supervisor, they offered him a mentor in a different field from the one he hoped to study.While administrators gave most of his upper-caste peers their own laboratory space, Kale said, he worked out of a small corner office with broken furniture.Over the years, Kale held several positions, including dean of students and head of the equal opportunity office at JNU.He would invite Dalit students from his and nearby villages to stay with him, helping them navigate the admissions process for universities.In the late 1990s, when Kale became a professor at JNU, he sat on a committee to select junior researchers at the Nuclear Science Center, about a mile away from the university in New Delhi.In 1990, the Indian government announced that it would implement a commission's recommendation to expand reservation policies to include Other Backward Classes, an official designation for various other marginalized castes."Merit in an elitist society is not something inherent," the commission had argued in its report, "but is the consequence of environmental privileges enjoyed by the members of higher castes."."Upper-caste students took to the streets, staging sit-ins; setting up road blockades; and masquerading as vendors, sweepers, and shoe shiners in a graphic depiction of their future reduction to lower-caste labor."."We became more active with our demands," said Sonkawade, thumping his palm on the table in his office at Shivaji University, in the west Indian city of Kolhapur, where he now teaches physics.After forming the association, Sonkawade began to push IUAC to set up a special committee to tackle Dalit and Adivasi issues to ensure implementation of the reservation policy — something required of government-funded institutes, but which the school had not established.In his office at Shivaji University, a portrait of Dalit leader Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar hangs on the wall next to an image of Mahatma Gandhi.But Satya Pal Lochab, who oversaw the lab in which Sonkawade worked and also participated in the evaluations, said that his "anti-establishment activities" affected his scores.An IUAC employee who used to field discrimination complaints confirmed seeing many cases where Dalits received performance review scores just a few decimal points below the requirement for promotion.After his promotion was delayed due to lower scores on his annual performance reports, Sonkawade joined Shivaji University, where he teaches physics today.In a 2013 paper, University of Delhi sociologist Satish Deshpande argued that for many upper-caste Indians, caste is "a ladder that can now be safely kicked away," but only after they convert those high-caste privileges into other forms of status, such as "property, higher educational credentials, and strongholds in lucrative professions.".Students pay higher tuition rates for science courses than in other areas, because they are required to take additional classes to do experiments.And to keep up with their coursework, science students often pay for instruction in pricey private academies called coaching institutes, something many Dalit families cannot afford.During his time at IISc, Thomas found that his lower-caste and Dalit sources identified reflections of upper caste culture throughout the institute.In one instance at IISc, after the singer finished her song, the Brahmin audience continued singing, showing their familiarity with the art form, writes Thomas.That mindset, she added, tacitly aligns itself with caste hierarchy: "There is implicit devaluation of people that continuously erodes their sense of self.".In a predominantly Dalit neighborhood of Mumbai, people gather around a statue of Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar to read their newspapers.Undark spoke with eight early-career Dalit science researchers who declined to be identified, fearing retaliation from their institutions or harm to their careers.In 2007, for example, a government committee found widespread discrimination and harassment against Dalit and Adivasi students at the All India Institute of Medical Science in New Delhi.His loss sparked outrage on several campuses across India and led to the formation of more student organizations like Ambedkar Periyar Study Circle, which offer support to Dalit and other oppressed castes.In one incident detailed in the report, the student's supervisor didn't let him enter a lab where cells are grown in a carefully controlled environment, saying he was "not clean.".Since the mid-1960s, for example, United States policies designed to incentivize the immigration of skilled STEM professionals have led hundreds of thousands of scientists and engineers — most of them upper-caste — to move from India to the U.S.In June 2020, California state regulators sued the technology company Cisco Systems, alleging that two upper-caste supervisors had harassed and discriminated against a Dalit employee.According to the complaint, one of the supervisors had disclosed the engineer's caste to colleagues, telling them he had attended an IIT in India under the country's reservation policy.In Silicon Valley, most of the Indians come from institutions "where caste discrimination is rampant," Subramanian wrote in an email to Undark.In an interview, Mahadev said she badly wants to see more senior scientists from her community, and to have teachers who can relate to the life experiences of students like her.Her father, who was part of the first generation in his family to go to school, had received an engineering diploma — a specialized course shorter than an undergraduate degree — in order to get a job quickly.In April 2020, following growing criticism in Indian media about the low representation of marginalized communities at IITs, India's Department of Higher Education formed a committee to suggest ways to implement the reservation policy.The committee also recommended that IITs, as "institutes of national importance," should be exempted from following the reservation policy in hiring teachers.Raju Nivarti Gacche, a cancer biologist, said he got his current professor post in the biotechnology department at Savitribai Phule Pune University because it was reserved for Dalits.A lot of success, she said, seems to emerge from the kind of environment upper-caste families experience: one in which reading and extracurricular activities are encouraged, and where friends and relatives can offer career advice.In India too, for the current situation to change, she said, scientists would need to join forces with a broader intersectional Dalit movement. .

Why Do Americans Name Babies After Kale and Other Foods?

When the Social Security Administration released its annual list of most popular baby names for 2012, one new name made headlines: Khaleesi , the term for "queen" in a fictional language from the Game of Thrones series.Turns out, parents have been giving their kids grocery-inspired names for just about as long as there have been babies (or at least since 1880, which is when the U.S. government started keeping track of them).It's been gaining popularity since 2005—quite possibly due to the leafy green's parallel rise to prominence.Now, apples have been a part of our cultural cuisine for centuries—the first American settlers brought grafted trees (a must for any discerning traveler) from Europe.It __all but vanished from use in the 1950s—__which is curious, because American olive consumption was reaching a fever pitch during that decade (think: dirty martinis and tapas-style appetizers).It's possible the name's popularity has something to do with the introduction of Starbucks's chai tea drinks , but based on that logic we should be seeing a lot of little Pumpkin Spices running around, so we're still investigating this one.____.Even though the name's Irish origin means “foal” (and in English alludes to the French chérie ), we can’t help but call the drink to mind.Fun fact: Sherry exports from Spain "rose dramatically" from 1944 to 1979, before their tragic drop.It's definitely worth mentioning that Gilligan's Island aired from 1964 to '67 ; in that show, Tina Louise portrayed the sultry actress Ginger.The name fell out of favor quickly, though, with a few sporadic appearances from 1978 to 2010, when it began regaining popularity.Honeybees have been farmed in North America since 1622 , but production boomed in the 1920s, moving from small homestead operations to large colonies and packing plants—so the timing of this darling name's popularity seems spot-on.Is it a coincidence that, in 2010, with the resurgence of artisan loaves and boutique rye distillers came a handful of children named after the grain?It appears that while California, New York, and Texas are the most food-forward states when it comes to naming babies, we're all hopelessly susceptible to food trends.

.

Vasant Purushottam Kale Biography, Age, Death, Height, Weight

Va Pr was a well-known Marathi writer who has written novels, short stories, and biographical sketches.Some of his most notable books include Vapurza, Partner, Thikri and Hi Waat Ekatichi. .

M D K D D W V

Leave a reply

your email address will not be published. required fields are marked *

Name *
Email *
Website